El proceso revolucionario (incipiente) que estamos llevando es similar a un organismo, de hecho está conformado por seres vivientes y es nuestro deber cuidarlo de agentes perniciosos que a diario intentan destruirlo. Los enemigos externos están identificados mas no así los internos, estos se mimetizan entre el rojo rojito y las distintas instituciones gubernamentales. Son los mas peligrosos pues nos van corroyendo de adentro hacia afuera.
También se les conoce como "DERECHA ENDÓGENA".
Es una perversión antichavista anclada en el mero chavismo. Considero a continuación algunas formas de detectarlos y proceder a combatirlos desde todos los flancos:
- 1.- Llaman "sectarios" a los que no quieren "negociar" con la derecha fascista y asesina.
- 2.- Forman parte de los anillos de poder que aíslan al Presidente de las denuncias que hace el soberano.
- 3.- Miran para otro lado cuando les señalan a subalternos disfrazados de chavistas que entorpecen las gestiones de un ministerio o institución oficial. No toman correctivos.
- 4.- Dicen que es indispensable conversar con la cúpula de la iglesia católica. ¿Y las demás religiones? ¿No existen? Con el enemigo no se conversa, se le combate con ideas socialistas y bolivarianas.
- 5.- Cuando se les entrevista en VTV u otros canales del estado, repiten cansonamente el discurso del Presidente Chávez sin ningún atisbo de creatividad. Son loros(as) de corbata o zarcillos.
- 6.- No se pronuncian contra el latifundio y el vil asesinato de campesinos.
- 7.- No aceptan críticas sanas para rectificar.
- 8.- Dicen que debemos tener cuidado en no provocar demasiado a los EE.UU.
- 9.- Practican el nepotismo en sus altos y medianos cargos.
- 10. No mueven un dedo para superar la burocratización. Dicen: "Tiene que esperar a que se cumplan todos los requisitos exigidos por la ley, debe tener paciencia". ¿La paciencia de Job?
- 11. Podemos avanzar a un "capitalismo social" sin necesidad de un socialismo radical.
- 12. Confunden socialismo con comunismo y en sus limitados cerebros no distinguen lo que es el socialismo bolivariano del siglo 21.
- 13. Andan en camionetas 4x4 y compran costosas viviendas. Leí de un sabio lo siguiente: "Jamás en la vida hemos comprobado que la honradez de un hombre aumente con la riqueza".
- 14. Para que atiendan a una persona que requiere de su ayuda ponen mil trabas y se hacen los locos. Dicen: "dele su petición a mi asistente que yo lo llamo después".
- 15. Comen en los mejores restaurantes del país y son incapaces de hacer ninguna caridad. Sienten asco de estar muy cerca del pueblo, prefieren sus oficinas cómodas con aire acondicionado. Eso si, están de primeritos en los actos presidenciales.
- 2.- Forman parte de los anillos de poder que aíslan al Presidente de las denuncias que hace el soberano.
Efrain Jose Granadillo
efraingran@gmail.com
Published: Sunday, December 02, 2007
ResponderBorrarBylined to: Arthur Shaw
Infested with abstentionists who'd rather watch TV than wage a class struggle
VHeadline.com's Houston-based commentarist Arthur Shaw writes: The class struggle, V. Lenin and F. Engels tell us, comes in three major forms -- political, economic, and ideological. The battle over the Venezuelan constitutional reform is a class struggle, chiefly in the political form.
Power in Venezuela is passing from the bourgeoisie, which fronts for the US imperialists, to the leftwing of the proletariat.
If approved, the constitutional reforms will make it more difficult for power to pass back to the bourgeoisie. The passing of power from one class to another is the Marxist definition of a revolution.
THE MESSY CLASS STRUGGLE
Now, the political expression of the class struggle ... when we exclude war ... comes in two "main" forms -- electoral and legislative. Two "minor" forms of political struggle are the administrative and judicial forms.
At times, administrative (or executive) and judicial struggle aren't so "minor."
The battle over the Venezuelan constitutional reform is a class struggle that is very complex and very rare, because it deeply electoral, legislative, and administrative at the same time. The 16 million voters in the Venezuelan electorate (the electoral side) can modify the content of the supreme law of the land or the constitution (the legislative side) and can extend the number of terms of office that the highest executive officer, the President, can run for re-election (the administrative side). There is another administrative side of the battle for the constitutional reform ... the voters organized in at least 35,000 civil councils or largely proletarian councils, under some of the constitutional reforms, will directly administrative or execute a portion of the executive power of the state and dispose of billions of dollars of public funds rather than operate indirectly through elected and appointed representatives of the state.
In general, the constitution describes only the form of the state, that is, only how power is exercised or the procedural characteristics of the operation of the state. So, a constitutional reform changes the form of the state. In this case, however, the changes in form proposed by the constitutional reform have profound and enduring implications for the content of the state, that is, who chiefly exercises power and for whom is power chiefly exercised. In other words, shall the elected and appointed representatives at the top of the executive power of the state be politically, ideologically, and organizationally tied to the proletariat or to the bourgeoisie? And, shall the proletariat itself directly execute an enlarged share of the executive power without the intervention of elected representatives or of the bourgeoisie?
There is a lot at stake, here.
The "indefinite re-election" of the president enormously increases the power of the revolutionary proletariat, which now constitutes the invincible mass of the Venezuelan electorate, because the principle of "indefinite re-election" enables the revolutionary voters to keep the smartest and toughest enemy of the Venezuelan bourgeoisie and US imperialism at the top of the executive power for a longer period of time. The issue is not whether a revolutionary incumbent will run for re-election indefinitely, but rather whether the revolutionary proletariat will re-elect this incumbent indefinitely. If a smarter and tougher enemy of the bourgeoisie and of imperialism presents him or herself to the voters, then the voters can end the tenure of the incumbent. If a smarter and tougher enemy of the bourgeoisie and imperialism does not present him or herself to the voters, then the voters will do well to keep what they got until something better comes along.
The Venezuelan bourgeoisie and US imperialism clearly see that their real adversary is not Hugo Chavez, who is indeed an enemy of privilege. The real adversary of the bourgeoisie is the revolutionary sector of the Venezuelan proletariat that backs and protects Chavez.
Interestingly, the relationship between Chavez and the revolutionary proletariat is reciprocal and dialectical. The rare and exceptional political talent of Chavez makes the proletariat stronger and the high level of class, national, and ethical consciousness of the proletariat makes Chavez stronger. It's a very dynamic combination. Chavez knows that passing some of the executive power to proletarian councils strengthens the revolutionary mass and that in turn strengthens Chavez. The revolutionary mass knows that the cancellation of presidential term limitations strengthens Chavez and that in turn strengthens the proletariat.
The term "class struggle" suggests a singularity or only one thing. But in reality, class struggle is always at least a duality or, at least, two things. The struggle over money and power of the bourgeoisie against the workers is a class struggle and the struggle of the workers against the bourgeoisie is another class struggle. The bourgeois media, the elixir of life of the philistines, self-servingly portrays only the workers' struggle as a class struggle, not the bourgeois struggle against the workers.
ESSENCE OF REACTIONARY TACTICS IN THE MESSY CLASS STRUGGLE
We can see the essence of the political side of the class struggle of the Venezuelan bourgeoisie and the US imperialism against the workers when we look at six huge battles fought by these antagonistic social forces between April 2002 and December 2, 2007.
(1) In April 2002, the reactionaries, using mass mobilizations of reactionaries and renegades in the state apparatus, violently overthrew the state and spread the lie that the overthrow was chiefly a "coup" or a domestic revolt. The reactionaries promptly established a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie which the revolutionary proletariat and elements thereof in the military in turn overthrew after only two days.
(2) In late 2002 and early 2003, the bourgeoisie, again using mass mobilizations of reactionaries and renegades in the state apparatus, locked out the workers of the state-owned oil company and cut off the food supply to the workers while demanding the resignation of Hugo Chavez. Displaying a proletarian entrepreneurial spirit, the workers restarted the oil company and organized a nation-wide food distribution system.
(3) In August 2004, US imperialism, acting chiefly through CIA, FBI, NED, US State Department, USAID, poured about $50,000,000 into the Venezuelan bourgeoisie and its tail hanging down into the middle and working classes to finance an unsuccessful presidential recall referendum ... a electoral and administrative operation ... which the revolutionaries beat chiefly by launching or expanding "mission" programs, especially in health care and education, that bypassed the filthy and corrupt middle class ensconced in the stagnant bureaucracy and by a huge scientifically administered electoral operation. The reactionaries relied on defamations of revolutionaries by the bourgeois media, large mobilizations of the reactionary mass, and false opinion polls before the referendum, false exit polls during the voting, and the dishonesty of some of the international election monitors, especially a former Colombian president, after the voting.
(4) In December 2005, in the most bizarre electoral operation to date, the bourgeoisie and the imperialists organized a reactionary abstention in the legislative elections, advising reactionaries to go to church on election day to pray and to listen to Nazarene experts talk about divine beings. The turnout of revolutionary voters in the non-contest was rather low.
(5) In December 2006, the US imperialists again flooded the Venezuelan bourgeoisie and middle class with corruption money to contest Hugo Chavez in the presidential election, using the usual tactics of mass mobilization of reactionaries, false opinion polls, and defamations by the bourgeois media,
(6) [This piece was written December 1, 2007, the day before the constitutional referendum.] In Dec. 2007, the US imperialist agencies, listed above, tried to drown the bourgeois-dominated opposition in Venezuela with corruption money at the rate of about 20 million dollars a month for three and half months to defeat the constitutional reform.
There were at least four novel features in this operation.
First, the reactionaries relied on Catholic experts on divine beings to begin their campaign against the constitutional reforms.
Second, the reactionaries sent into the streets a large mass of rightwing middle class college students with a penchant for vandalism to march against the reforms.
Third, the reactionaries embraced renegades from the state apparatus and, more surprisingly, from the revolutionary parties.
Fourth, open threats as well as ominous rumors of reactionary insurrection if the reactionaries lost again.
Of course, the reactionaries made full use of their standby tactics ... defamations by the bourgeois media, mass mobilization of reactionaries (including students), and their beloved false opinion polls.
The revolutionaries also used mass marches, but went all out for voter targeting, volunteers, Get-Out-The-Vote- operations, and using international events, like the Columbian prisoner exchange and the row between Chavez and the Spanish "king," to disrupt the momentum and the rhythm of the reactionary campaign against the constitutional reforms.
[My prediction is that the reactionaries will lose again on Dec. 2.]
What can we learn from these six synopses about the essence of the strategy and tactics used on the political side of the class struggle of the bourgeoisie/imperialists against the Venezuelan workers? [We can also learn something about the essence of the tactics of the revolutionaries. But our main concern here is with the reactionaries.]
The life of the bourgeois-dominated opposition in Venezuela depends, most of all, on the flow of corruption money to the opposition from US government or, in other words, from the imperialist regime in Washington. The bourgeois media, both in Venezuela and the USA, has little or no credibility with the mass of the Venezuelan proletariat.
The political side of the class struggle of the bourgeois/imperialists against the workers is both legal and illegal, as shown by the 2002 overthrow of the state on the illegal side and the subsequent electoral battles on the legal side.
The bourgeois opposition shows a remarkable capacity to mobilize its supporters for large-scale marches.
The opposition has infinite confidence in the power of false opinion polls, showing the reactionaries in the lead when they are actually behind.
Reactionary Catholic experts on divine beings and reactionary middle class college students are for the moment something of a vanguard or the point people for the counter-revolutionary campaign.
The opposition suffers from a latent tendency toward abstention that stems mostly from its perception of an unfavorable balance of power between the reactionaries and revolutionaries in the electorate and from the propaganda of influential bourgeois/middle class anarchists.
[Revolutionaries suffer from a similar tendency but it results mostly from over-confidence connected with a perception of a favorable balance of power in the electorate and to a far lesser extent from the propaganda and organizational operations of working class anarchists.]
CONCLUSION
In short, the essence of the opposition seems to be something like this.
The bourgeois pole of the class struggle in Venezuela arises from and survives on corruption from Washington; it suffers greatly from a discredited media; it unscrupulously switches from law to lawlessness, it excels in getting its followers to walk down the street in large numbers; it ravels in opinion polls full of lies; its biggest fools are Catholic experts on divine beings and middle class college students and deep-down it is infested with abstentionists who would rather stay home and watch TV than wage class struggle.
Written by Arthur Shaw
posted by santa